How Podemos & Sumar’s Collapse Reveals the Strategic Dead End of the 'Conservative Left'
A view from Portugal’s Anticapitalist Network
The spectacular rise and bitter fragmentation of Spain's institutional left offers a masterclass in how not to build revolutionary movements. From Podemos's meteoric emergence in 2014 to its current irrelevance alongside Sumar's hollow attempts at reconstruction, the Spanish experience reveals fundamental strategic errors that left-wing movements worldwide ignore at their peril. In this article, we summarise perspectives from Anticapitalista, the magazine of the Anticapitalist Network, a Fourth Internationalist current in Portugal.
The Genesis and Early Promise of Podemos
Podemos emerged onto the Spanish political stage in 2014, significantly altering the traditional bipartisan political landscape. This emergence was deeply rooted in a broader European context of profound social discontent and a crisis of legitimacy for traditional politics. Following the 2008 financial crisis and subsequent austerity measures imposed by entities like the "Troika" (BCE, IMF, and European Commission), many European countries experienced widespread "destruction," including mass unemployment, precarious work, and a rollback of social rights. This era fostered a pervasive sense of "injustice and powerlessness" among the populace.
Movements such as Spain's 15M (Indignados) and Portugal's "Que se Lixe a Troika" protests channelled this popular frustration, highlighting a strong desire for fundamental change and the perceived failures of established social democratic and centre-left parties. Podemos successfully harnessed this sentiment, positioning itself as an anti-neoliberal force that promised to challenge the existing order and bring the voice of the streets into governmental institutions. Its initial success was built on this wave of popular mobilisation and a distinct anti-systemic stance.
The Crisis of the "Space of Change" and Podemos's Decline
Despite its promising start, the "space of change" initiated by Podemos quickly entered a period of profound crisis, characterised by electoral decline, escalating organisational tensions, and destructive internal infighting often referred to as "brother-killing" (cainismo). The strain on leadership and parties became increasingly evident, particularly after Podemos entered a minority government with the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE).
The Missed Opportunity of 2015-2016
A pivotal moment, described by Portugal's Anticapitalist Network as a "tragedy," occurred in 2015-2016 when Podemos and its allies missed the opportunity to "surpass the PSOE" electorally. This failure marked "the beginning of the end of the cycle" for the movement, as it struggled to effectively process and overcome this defeat. Instead of maintaining a clear, transformative agenda, the party's participation in government, particularly as a junior partner, led to its retreat into electoralist moderation.
From Ideas to Ego Politics
A key factor in this decline was a shift in focus from substantive ideas to what Portugal's Anticapitalist Network describes as a "game of chairs and egos," which ultimately impoverished the left's political discourse. Programmatically, there was very little that distinguished Podemos and Sumar, with Sumar's agenda largely continuing the policies of the PSOE-United We Can (Unidas Podemos) government. The differences were considered "cosmetic" and "artificial," revolving mainly around communication style and leadership personalities.
Podemos, under the influence of Pablo Iglesias, maintained an aggressive, confrontational approach towards mainstream media, whereas Yolanda Díaz of Sumar adopted a consensual, serious, and affable style. This internal conflict, driven more by personal dynamics than by profound ideological divides, severely undermined the collective project.
Why the Anticapitalistas Current Decided to Leave Podemos, and separate from the “Conservative Left”
Portugal's Anticapitalist Network critically views this trajectory as symptomatic of a "conservative left" that, when confronted with the dilemma of being radical (and potentially marginalised) or moderate (and indistinguishable), chooses the latter, leading to political irrelevance. From their perspective, governmental participation, especially in a subordinate role, can dilute transformative potential. They argue that the pursuit of power for its own sake, rather than as a means to implement a radical, anti-systemic program, contributed to the "crisis of the so-called 'space of change'".
The Spanish Anticapitalistas' departure stemmed from a belief that the party's strategic choices led to a loss of its authentic social base and a retreat from its original anti-systemic commitment. The emphasis on programmatic goals, genuine popular mobilisation, and collective leadership, rather than ego-driven conflicts or mere electoralism, is central to their stance. They advocate for a "radical, anti-systemic" alternative necessary for structural change, moving beyond temporary fixes.
Their critique also extends to the issue of "campism," which they describe as a "pernicious doctrine" that compromises democratic principles and internationalism by uncritically supporting regimes hostile to certain Western powers. This implies a fundamental disagreement with any political alignment that sacrifices principles for perceived tactical advantage or avoids critical analysis of various imperialisms.
Sumar's Ascent and the Fragmentation of the Left
The emergence of Sumar, led by Yolanda Díaz, is seen by Portugal's Anticapitalist Network as a "new chapter". However, they label Sumar's attempt to emulate the initial success of Podemos as a "farce" – an endeavour to construct a "Podemos 2.0" within an "exhausted political cycle". Crucially, Sumar is perceived as operating under "subordination to the PSOE," lacking a genuine popular base and relying on "formal rituals" disconnected from real social struggle.
How Sumar Filled Podemos's Vacuum
Sumar found a viable project in a political space that Podemos could have owned due to a combination of its own strengths and Podemos's weaknesses. Yolanda Díaz's consensual and affable style garnered high approval ratings, making her a more broadly palatable figure compared to Podemos's often confrontational image. Her emphasis on consensus contrasted sharply with the aggressive communication style associated with Pablo Iglesias.
Sumar's program was described as "generic and minimalist" and "in every way compatible with the Podemos program," largely representing the continuity of the policies of the PSOE-United We Can government. This offered stability and a less radical alternative, appealing to voters who might have been wary of political upheaval.
Meanwhile, Podemos's internal conflicts, often described as a "game of chairs and egos," and Pablo Iglesias's departure from leadership, led to a decline in its role as the "centripetal force" of the "space of change". This created a vacuum that Sumar could fill. The issues stemmed more from leadership personalities and communication styles than from fundamental programmatic differences. The fragmentation of the left was exacerbated by these internal dynamics, particularly when Podemos eventually formally separated from Sumar's parliamentary group.
The result of these dynamics has been a fragmented left-wing constellation in Spain where, from Portugal's Anticapitalist Network viewpoint, subordination to the PSOE risks becoming the only unifying factor.
Lessons for Left-Wing Movements
The Spanish left's experience, as analysed by both the Portuguese Anticapitalist Network and Spanish Anticapitalistas, offers critical lessons for left-wing movements across Europe and beyond.
The Trap of Junior Partner Government
The Spanish experience demonstrates that governmental participation, especially in a subordinate role, can fundamentally dilute transformative potential. The pursuit of power should be a means to implement a radical, anti-systemic program, not an end in itself. When revolutionary movements prioritise access to government over programmatic clarity, they risk losing their authentic social base and retreating from their original anti-systemic commitment.
Building Authentic Social Base Over Electoral Shortcuts
The initial strength of movements like Podemos came from their connection to popular movements such as the 15M (Indignados). Movements must focus on building and maintaining a robust grassroots base, ensuring that their political actions are not mere "formal rituals" disconnected from the people they claim to represent. Electoral success without genuine popular mobilisation creates hollow victories that collapse under pressure.
Collective Leadership Versus Ego Politics
The fragmentation of the Spanish left was significantly exacerbated by conflicts stemming from "leadership egos" and communication styles. Revolutionary movements must prioritise collective decision-making, programmatic clarity, and collaborative approaches to prevent internal divisions from undermining broader objectives. Politics cannot become a "game of chairs and egos" without destroying the movement's capacity for transformation.
Strategic Unity with Clear Vision
While unity is essential, it must be programmatic and aimed at shifting the balance of power, rather than a "simple voluntary and friendly convergence". Unity achieved without a strong, shared transformative vision risks leading to "impotence or capitulation". The Spanish example shows how cosmetic differences can fracture movements when deeper programmatic unity is absent.
Resisting Subordination to Centre-Left Parties
The Portuguese Socialist Party is identified as the "main political adversary of the anticapitalist left" in its opposition to the right. The Spanish example of "subordinated governmentalism to the PSOE" serves as a stark warning to resist becoming a junior partner to centre-left parties without the ability to impose a program of social transformation and genuinely shift power dynamics.
The Necessity of Radical Anti-Systemic Programs
A purely social-democratic platform is seen as "conservative" and incapable of delivering structural change. To effectively combat issues like fascism, racism, and inequality, revolutionary movements need radical, anti-systemic alternatives that propose fundamental changes to the mode of production rather than merely addressing immediate symptoms.
Building Social Movements and Community Power
The true power of the left lies in its capacity to mobilise social struggles and build community from the grassroots. Examples like Portugal's "Fair Life" (Vida Justa) movement, which mobilises peripheral populations, underscore the need for bottom-up organisation and solidarity that cultivates human connection and trust.
Critical Engagement with Digital Spaces
While social media offer tools for mobilisation, they are also described as "instruments of control and alienation" that can lead to "fragmentation of struggles" and "demobilisation of activists". Socialists must adopt critical and conscious use of these platforms, resisting the urge to simplify messages for algorithms and instead fostering decentralised, alternative digital spaces. Online activism should complement, not replace, real-world collective action and base-building.
Rejecting Conservative Left and Campist Tendencies
The Anticapitalist networks warn against abandoning anticapitalist agendas for social democracy or adopting the "cultural agenda of the far-right". "Campism," which uncritically supports regimes hostile to Washington, is a "pernicious doctrine" that compromises democratic principles and internationalism. Such tendencies lead to "ideological purism and political identitarianism" that hinder collective organisation.
Addressing Material Conditions
The rise of the far-right is linked to the failures of centre-left governments to tackle pressing social problems like housing, healthcare, and low wages. Socialists must offer tangible solutions to these everyday struggles to counter the "politics of fear" and build broad popular support.
Reclaiming Progressive Language
Instead of abandoning concepts like "nation" or "country" to the right, the left should actively strive to redefine them inclusively, based on principles of solidarity and fraternity. This also applies to challenging the neoliberal ideology of "hyper-individualism" and the commodification of life.
Find out more
This post touches on some points in our subscriber-only podcast on coalition strategy. To draw in those insights, we've opened up this podcast to non-subscribers too. https://open.substack.com/pub/redmole/p/navigating-left-politics-strategy . Happy listening!