Intellectual Retreat vs. Sectarian Bunkers: How the German Left Responds to Crisis
German is a crucial case study for the global class struggle.
When the Alternative for Germany (AfD) achieved historic electoral breakthroughs across eastern German states in 2024-2025, it posed a stark question to the international left: how do we respond when fascists are winning? The German left's divergent responses—from Die Linke's principled recovery to BSW's nationalist retreat—offer a crucial case study in the strategic choices facing socialist movements worldwide.
This fascist surge created a moment of truth for Germany's left, revealing fundamental strategic divergences that mirror global patterns. Faced with crisis, does the left retreat intellectually by accommodating far-right narratives, isolate itself in "sectarian bunkers" of ideological purity, or successfully build a principled alternative? For international socialist organisations, this moment is not just a German problem but a crucial case study for the global class struggle.
The AfD's Ascent and the Crisis for the Left
The AfD is no ordinary conservative party; it is a stramm rechte, nationalistische und rassistische Partei (firmly right-wing, nationalist, and racist party), with its officially dissolved but still dominant fascist wing, "Der Flügel," controlling the federal association. Their ideology is built on propaganda against non-Germans, especially refugees, and opposition to societal liberalisation since the late 1960s.
They advocate for a "Germany first" policy, rejection of the European Union in favour of a "Europe of fatherlands," and increased militarisation, while simultaneously critiquing government health, climate, and education policies. The AfD's strategy weaponises non-specific fears among middle and lower-middle classes about economic decline, presenting uncontrolled immigration as the primary cause.
They frame the political struggle as "us inside" versus "them outside," advocating for an authoritarian state to enforce a "healthy popular will". This rhetoric has resonated deeply, particularly in eastern Germany, where resentment over perceived historical marginalisation remains strong.
The party's ability to drive official government policy on refugee issues stems from other mainstream parties (excluding Die Linke) also holding racist positions, albeit less openly, thereby normalising openly racist and fascist ideas within the "bourgeois centre". This rise is a symptom of decades of crisis within neoliberal democracies and their institutions, marked by growing inequalities and governments' failure to meet people's needs.
Die Linke's Resurgence: A Principled Stand
This fascist surge created a moment of truth for Germany's left, revealing fundamental strategic divergences that would soon appear across European socialist movements. In the face of this aggressive rightward lurch, Die Linke has shown a remarkable, if challenging, recovery.
After a period of stagnation, the party underwent an "existential debate" culminating in the departure of Sahra Wagenknecht in autumn 2023. Many long-standing activists saw this departure as an opportunity to fight for Die Linke, now that Wagenknecht and her "racist politics" were gone. This internal realignment was fundamental in building resistance.
Following this, Die Linke launched a participatory offensive, focusing on strengthening local structures and aligning its program with the main concerns of the people. Their slogan, "everyone wants to govern, we want change," underscored a class-political approach, emphasising building power from below.
This strategy attracted a significant influx of 60,000 new members within four months, effectively marking a "re-foundation" of the party. Many new members were drawn to the idea of doing politics differently, anchoring themselves in neighbourhoods and working with people, rather than for them.
Lessons for today's activists: This approach demonstrates the power of concrete, grassroots engagement. Campaigns exemplified this, such as the "heating costs campaign," where Die Linke helped tenants claim back 15% of incorrectly billed heating costs, directly impacting people's lives and building trust at the local level. The party now plans to continue such extra-parliamentary work, pushing for radical reforms like rent caps or municipalisation through organising tenants and mass mobilisations.
Crucially, Die Linke's recovery was strongly linked to its clear and unwavering stance against fascism. During the federal election campaign, while other parties incited hatred against refugees, Die Linke stood as a consistent anti-fascist force, attracting those protesting against the far-right. This principled position was vital for its acceptance and ability to become a focal point for anti-fascist coalitions, including radical climate groups.
Internally, there's a growing consensus for a "socialism from below" model, advocating for term limits and salary caps for parliamentarians to prevent drifting into parliamentary politics. This represents a conscious effort to challenge the "parliamentary illusion" that often plagues left parties.
However, the party still faces challenges, particularly in strengthening its foothold in workplaces and engaging with key class conflicts beyond union officials. On the issue of Palestine, while some MPs and party leaders have shifted towards a clearer stance, the party has had a contradictory approach, navigating reputational concerns and internal debates.
The BSW's Path: A Retreat into "Left-Conservatism"
In stark contrast to Die Linke's principled recovery, the formation of Sahra Wagenknecht's new party, Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW), in 2023 represents what we can identify as a classic case of "intellectual retreat" under pressure.
Wagenknecht, a former parliamentary leader of Die Linke, distinguished herself with a populist and nationalist discourse, particularly concerning immigration, and expressed scepticism regarding climate change. Her movement, designed "literally in her image and likeness," openly aimed to compete for votes with the AfD, often using similar arguments on asylum issues.
The BSW's platform exemplifies intellectual retreat: it is characterised as "left-conservative," advocating for Marktwirtschaft (market economy), Leistungsgesellschaft (performance-based society), national limits on politics, regulation of immigration, and opposition to "quota and gender craze" and "exaggerated climate protection".
This approach represents plundering theoretical concepts from bourgeois proponents of the "social market economy," right-wing social democracy, and even the new right's nationalistic rhetoric. Rather than maintaining a clear anti-capitalist analysis, BSW attempts to "reinvent anti-capitalism in the shadow of a new conservatism".
By focusing on "national workers" and seeking alliances with employers against immigrant workers, BSW's approach divides the working class and distances itself from class struggle principles. This "capitulation" makes the left indistinguishable from neoliberal parties and inadvertently strengthens racist sentiments, ultimately serving the far-right's interests by normalising their positions.
Strategic insight: While BSW achieved impressive electoral results in 2024 regional elections, its success represents a dangerous precedent. The party's focus on "peace" is critiqued as moralistic rather than materialist, failing to identify war as a result of capitalist production relations. The BSW is seen not as a transitional stage to a new left mass party, but as a path towards further theoretical superficiality and political adaptation to the right.
The Sectarian Bunker Alternative: Learning from Fragmentation
The German experience illuminates three distinct pathways that appear across international socialist movements. Beyond intellectual retreat, the left also faces the trap of sectarian isolation—what we might call the "bunker" response to crisis.
While Germany's main split occurred between Die Linke and BSW, the broader European left demonstrates this sectarian pattern more clearly. Similar fragmentation patterns emerge across Europe, from France's NPA splits between "open" and "closed" models to Britain's persistent revolutionary left fragmentation.
The #ZeroCovid campaign in Germany offers one example of well-intentioned sectarianism. Though initially successful in gathering signatures, the campaign was critiqued for its narrow focus on a single measure (lockdown to zero infections). This approach generated controversy rather than broad mobilisation, ultimately failing to unite the left around a comprehensive pandemic response that connected health, economic, and social justice concerns.
What characterises sectarian bunkers:
Ideological purism over practical engagement: Prioritising theoretical correctness over building mass movements
Fragmentation rather than unity: The "great political and ideological fragmentation of the social movements and the Left" stems from geopolitical upheavals, technological change, and intensified neoliberal individualism
"Purist forms of horizontalism" that reject necessary organisational structures
Factionalism and infighting across leftwing organisations that waste energy on internal conflicts rather than building external power
Historical lessons from Comintern defeats, such as the German Revolution of 1923, underscore the crucial importance of a united front and effective leadership to bridge immediate struggles and the fight for power. The failure to build such unity allows right-wing populists to offer "simple" solutions in times of crisis.
Building Principled Alternatives: Lessons for International Movements
The German case illuminates a third path beyond intellectual retreat and sectarian bunkers: principled alternative-building. Die Linke's recovery demonstrates that unwavering principles, rather than compromise or isolation, are fundamental in building effective resistance.
This approach, advocated by international socialist organisations, involves several key elements that activists worldwide can apply:
1. Boldly reaffirming anti-capitalist and internationalist principles This means unwavering opposition to imperialism from all sides and concrete solidarity with the oppressed. Die Linke's clear stance on Palestine and anti-fascism, despite potential electoral costs, demonstrates this approach.
2. Integrating diverse struggles within class analysis Feminist, climate, anti-racist, and LGBTQIA+ struggles must be centred within the broader class struggle, rejecting the false division between class and identity issues. This counters both the intellectual retreat that abandons oppressed groups and the sectarian tendency to hierarchy struggles.
3. Building power from below through concrete engagement This requires continuous presence and visible work in communities and workplaces. Die Linke's "heating costs campaign" exemplifies how revolutionary organisations can build trust through immediate material improvements while advancing broader political goals.
Key tactical lesson: The success of "lighthouse models" like Leipzig and Neukölln demonstrate how mass participatory work can be achieved from below, creating replicable organising methods.
4. Developing transitional programs that connect immediate and long-term goals Effective programs must mobilise people around tangible improvements while building towards systemic transformation. This goes beyond mere "problem-solving" to provide a compelling vision of post-capitalist society.
5. Building revolutionary organisation as theory-practice mediation Such organisations preserve the memory of struggles, draw collective lessons, and prepare for future battles. This involves training cadres, engaging in political education, and unifying fragmented forces—exactly what Die Linke achieved through its "participatory offensive."
6. Advancing ecosocialist alternatives This prioritises human needs over profit, advocates for democratic planning and self-management, and systematically challenges capitalism's growth imperative. It requires "industrial reconstruction" of key sectors towards socially useful production.
International Applications: From Germany to Global Strategy
These strategic insights apply beyond Germany's specific context. Similar patterns of intellectual retreat appear in:
France: Where parts of the left accommodate nationalist rhetoric around immigration
Britain: Where some leftists have retreated into "left-conservative" positions on social issues
United States: Where segments of the left have adopted class-reductionist positions that abandon anti-racism
Meanwhile, sectarian fragmentation appears in:
France's NPA split between "open" and "closed" revolutionary models
Britain's persistent revolutionary left divisions that prioritise ideological purity over mass engagement
Spain's Podemos fragmentation over strategic and tactical differences
The principled alternative-building model offers concrete lessons for movements facing similar choices:
For established left parties: Die Linke's experience shows that principled positions, combined with grassroots engagement, can rebuild membership and influence even after major splits.
For revolutionary organisations: The importance of patient, consistent work in communities and workplaces, rather than seeking shortcuts through electoral tactics or ideological correctness.
For movement activists: The necessity of connecting immediate struggles to longer-term strategic goals while maintaining clear anti-capitalist analysis.
Conclusion: Building Socialist Alternatives in the Age of Crisis
The urgency of principled alternative-building is amplified by our planetary polycrisis, where interconnected economic, social, ecological, and existential crises threaten to strengthen authoritarian leaders worldwide. The AfD's success in Germany is just one manifestation of a global pattern where fascist movements capitalise on left weakness and fragmentation.
Overcoming this requires what Die Linke demonstrates: that unwavering principles, combined with concrete engagement, can build effective resistance even under adverse conditions. The party's 60,000 new members didn't join because of tactical flexibility or ideological purity, but because they saw an organisation that stood for clear principles while doing practical work in their communities.
The task before international socialists is to unite fragmented forces globally, challenging both the illusions of "intellectual retreat" and the impotence of "sectarian bunkers." We must tirelessly work where the masses are, building "red-green" coalitions that can advance ecosocialist alternatives to capitalism's destructive trajectory.
As conditions become increasingly dire, "the conditions for ecosocialist transitions may be slowly ripening." This makes the consistent, organised pursuit of anti-capitalist, internationalist, and democratic alternatives not just desirable, but an absolute necessity for humanity's future. Die Linke's "lighthouse model" shows this is possible—now we must build similar beacons of resistance across the globe.
The choice facing today's left is stark: retreat into accommodation with the far-right, isolate ourselves in sectarian purity, or build principled alternatives that can actually win. The German experience shows us which path leads to victory.