International Viewpoint & the Global Resistance (1982-1983)
Frequently Asked Questions about the Early 1980s
[In this post in our series, The FAQ, we look at the world situation captured in the first years of International Viewpoint, the Fourth International magazine launched in 1982.]
Where is Europe Going?
What is the general political situation in Europe in the early 1980s? What problems are being faced?
The general political situation in Europe, particularly confirmed by the Conservative victory in Great Britain, shows a prolonged tendency for the relationship of forces to turn against the working class. Labour's defeat in Britain marked the end of an era, with the Kinnock leadership proving incapable of achieving victory despite a significant right-wing shift. Across both Western and Eastern Europe, a series of problems are posed, including racism, the crisis of political representation and traditional parties, and new issues concerning political rights and citizenship.
What is the nature of the crisis of representation discussed in the sources?
The crisis of representation is not necessarily due to the physical distance between citizens and power centres. The problem of citizens lacking control over elected representatives is as old as formal representative democracy. Some initiatives were presented as a way to strengthen ties between citizens and decisions affecting them directly. However, a "new citizenship" that merely replicates national-level power delegations at a local level, without the right of direct intervention or recall for delegates, and without proper information flow, will not resolve current frustrations. The argument that "small is beautiful" also limits people's field of understanding.
How can the existing order be challenged and an alternative Europe constructed?
Challenging the existing order and building an alternative Europe to the one embodied in the Maastricht Treaty requires a focus on overturning the current system. This involves challenging populists and the far-right on issues like denunciations of the state and corruption. It also means going beyond the strategies of ecology currents. Regional and national questions should be integrated into a broader social movement, not by denying them, but by placing them within an internationalist and anti-capitalist context from the outset.
How should the "democratic deficit" of the European Community be addressed?
Responding to the Community's "democratic deficit" is not about reforming the voting system for the Strasbourg parliament or resolving disputes between the Brussels Commission and the European Parliament. The only way is through the multiplication of basic social and political battles over questions of citizenship and control. A slogan like a "European constituent assembly" will be meaningless without such groundwork or if it doesn't follow extensive struggle for rights like the right of veto or rank-and-file control in local areas. Such a slogan in the absence of this grassroots work can only be interpreted as a left-democratic management of existing institutions without a subjective dynamic. What matters for a slogan is its ability to stimulate and mobilize. A mass experience is needed to raise people's sights and give credibility to a truly internationalist vision.
What is meant by "new citizenship" in the sources?
"New citizenship" can be more than just sales talk if it means new social solidarity, equal rights, and involves the reunification of the citizen and the producer. At a local level, it should not simply reproduce the same power delegations as at the national level, especially without direct intervention rights or recall for delegates.
What kind of struggles are suggested to regain broad audience and build internationalism?
Only the multiplication of basic social and political battles over questions of citizenship and control will allow for a Europe-wide central objective. Struggles that affect workers and broader issues of equality can regain a broad audience. Examples mentioned include discussions among British workers at Lucas Aerospace in 1975 about converting from military to civilian production, the refusal to pay the Poll Tax, the campaign in Switzerland for the abolition of the army, and the Swiss women's strike in 1991. All these struggles point in the same direction.
What strategy is proposed for the European revolutionary left?
The European revolutionary left faces a life or death question: finding its footing in the crisis of the nation-state, unifying different arenas of struggle, and restoring the credibility of the socialist project. This must be done by defining an alternative Europe to that of Maastricht. It requires renouncing a backward-looking defence of "national sovereignty."
Poland: Solidarity and Crisis
What was the situation in Poland regarding Solidarity?
In January 1982, all journalists covering Poland were reportedly subject to special interrogation regarding their assessment of the Solidarnosc crisis. There was a report indicating that soldiers were pretending to strike in a factory and asking Solidarity activists to explain the implications. The problem of absence of control over elected representatives exists in formal representative democracy, and it was noted that people are focused on a strategy for overturning the existing order. Some very high abstention rates in cities and poorer neighbourhoods are linked to the crisis of representation. There were debates within Solidarity regarding the question of power. Jacek Kuron discussed methods of activity, including the idea of a movement based on organizing people in different environments to resolve problems they face, described as a "social self-defence" movement before August 1980. This type of movement should be based on the full autonomy of local and sectoral action groups.
What were some of the economic problems in Poland mentioned?
The sources mention a catastrophic worsening of the economic crisis in Poland following the imposition of the state of war. The Polish economy was described as not governed by the price of gold on the international market. Production in Poland was falling drastically. Price increases since 1972 had contributed to the semi-manufactures structure turning against the working class. The price paid in terms of rank-and-file demoralisation would be high.
What was discussed regarding workplace consultations and strikes in Poland?
While it was correct and necessary to organize a poll of factories to find out when workers were ready for a strike and what forms it should take, this was considered insufficient on its own. Consultation should also cover the action program, defining the immediate and transitional aims of the strike. Such a program must align with the nature of a general strike and include the most pressing demands of the mass movement represented by Solidarnosc. The question of where these demands should lead needs to be raised. A delegate from the Lodz region described consultations in workplaces. They found that Solidarity was accepted as a method of trade-union action, and a factory poll indicated the workers would accept a reform in certain sectors. On October 23, the active strike movement was organized as a method of action by Solidarnosc.
Latin America: Revolutions and Struggles
What was the main impact of the Salvadoran revolution among the masses?
The main impact of the Salvadoran revolution among the masses was raising their sights and making them more aware than they were prior to the Nicaraguan revolution. It also had a significantly larger impact than the Cuban revolution. The movement of Salvadoran peasants and workers was described as decisive.
What was the situation regarding Jean-Claude Duvalier in Haiti?
Recent news reports described an attempt on the life of Jean-Claude Duvalier, then President for Life of Haiti. Duvalier had presided over a system of repression since 1971, and the mass movement had become explosive and increasingly difficult to control. By the end of 1980, it was documented that the alternative to Duvalier's rule included Serge Gilles from the Socialist Party. Gilles and others from various political tendencies formed an alternative to Duvalier. There was intense debate on whether Duvalier should be physically attacked or simply overthrown. The revolutionary Marxist strategy was described as needing to be clear strategy for the workers and peasants of Haiti and other Caribbean countries. As of early 1983, the situation in Haiti was that the mass movement was rising. All activities were strictly clandestine. The opposition carried out several political killings, including those using brushes with Washington.
What was the situation regarding the Chilean dictatorship and mass movement?
Mass action in Chile had been rising rapidly in early 1983. Large numbers of people in Santiago participated in a national day of action called by the unions and the anti-dictatorial opposition. Despite severe repression, the second national day of action was qualitatively larger, especially in some provincial centers. The rise of the mass movement in Argentina was noted as remarkably similar to the Chilean protest. The Chilean dictatorship was facing a crisis. Beginning in 1978–79, the civilian masses began to emerge from the retreat that followed the 1973 coup d'état and defeat. Conditions developed enabling the social and political organization of people's forces. Democratic union leaders were reportedly playing a vital role in the mass movement.
What was the situation regarding Bolivian miners and industrial management?
In October 1982, the Bolivian president, Siles Zuazo, announced that his government would establish institutes of comanagement in the administration of state-owned mines and industry. By March 1983, plans for comanagement were advanced by French specialists. The Bolivian union federation (the COB) advocated for comanagement of mines, explaining it as workers managing industries alongside government and union representatives. Comanagement in 1970 was seen as merely an attempt to represent a broader spectrum of forces, lacking substance. The current debate concerned establishing real comanagement.
What was the situation in El Salvador regarding the conflict and the US role?
In February 1983, the US experts confirmed that their two years in El Salvador had yielded no sustainable revolutionary evolution. They believed there had been progress but admitted more massacres. The Americans began questioning their counterinsurgency strategy. The Americans had been trying to implement this strategy for about a year, involving a five-day-a-week visit from US advisors to the Salvadoran high command. They were also trying to create a mass base for the government.
Middle East: Conflict and Resistance
What was the situation in Lebanon and the goals of involved parties?
In July 1982, the situation in Lebanon was desperate and terrible. The Zionist government was heavily reliant on the Palestinians' inevitable defeat and the support of American imperialism. The reality appeared clearer and more severe after the withdrawal of the PLO from West Beirut. While Israel's military superiority and ruthlessness were evident, some argued that the Zionists could not have paid the necessary price to militarily occupy West Beirut or force withdrawal through bombing. The Palestinian resistance and the support of American imperialism were key factors. On the other hand, the European and American imperialists aimed to rebuild the Lebanese state, crush the Palestinian resistance, and achieve regional stability favourable to their interests.
What was the debate about the interposition force in Lebanon?
The debate surrounding the interposition force in Lebanon involved differing views on its role after the PLO withdrawal. Some argued it was a way to reinforce links between citizens and relevant decisions. Others saw it as a means for US, French, and Italian imperialism to protect their interests. The Joint Statement by the French Revolutionary Communist League, the Italian Revolutionary Communist Movement, and the US Socialist Workers Party argued that the withdrawal of the PLO from West Beirut in August 1982, including the presence of a multinational force, was a setback for the Palestinian resistance. They believed the force was intended to protect Israeli and imperialist interests and impose a settlement.
What happened to prisoners in the Israeli mass roundups in Southern Lebanon?
According to one account from September 1982, prisoners in Israeli mass roundups in Southern Lebanon were subjected to mistreatment, including beating. The Israeli soldiers did not present any proof or explanation for arrests. One prisoner reported being interrogated three times during a ten-day stay at the "Safara" concentration camp and then transferred to Israel. The food and treatment were poor. Another described being detained for six weeks at the "Safara" camp and experiencing harsh beating and poor food. Some prisoners were taken to Israel and returned later. After the Safara camp, some went to the "Ansar" concentration camp, where there were about 1,000 prisoners.
What was the situation regarding the Palestinian resistance after the PLO withdrawal?
After the PLO withdrawal from Beirut, the Palestinian movement found itself at a crossroads. The Arab regimes were pressuring the PLO to reach a settlement and accept Israel's existence in exchange for territory under their patronage. This was seen as an evolution away from revolutionary and anti-imperialist struggles. The final outcome in Beirut depended partly on the PLO's leadership in relation to the Arab regimes, resulting in both successes and defeats. It represented a defeat for the Palestinian resistance and the anti-imperialist struggle. The immediate task was seen as defending existing positions, planning reorganisation, and increasing rank-and-file mobilisation, alongside discussion on strike strategy.
Other Regions and Topics
What were some of the issues discussed at the International Viewpoint Dossier weekend?
A roundtable discussion among economists and trade union leaders, including Ernest Mandel, addressed the causes of the crisis and a workers' solution. Workshops focused on themes from reports, such as women's struggles, problems of youth and work, the role of immigrant workers, and building solidarity with Polish workers. Comrades also shared experiences from specific union and workers' struggles, including unionisation fights, battles against redundancy, and the fight for abortion rights.
What is the debate surrounding the theory of permanent revolution?
Ernest Mandel's article In Defense of the Permanent Revolution is a response to an article by Doug Jenness. The debate deals with key strategic questions for the international workers movement, including the theory of permanent revolution, the path to power for the working class, and lessons from the Russian Revolution and subsequent struggles. Jenness's article was described as opening a new stage in the debate on revolutionary strategy for less developed countries and launching a direct attack on Trotsky and the theory of permanent revolution. One cannot abandon the lessons of this theory without risking the defeat of millions of workers and peasants. It is debated whether revolutionary strategy could have been fully worked out in 1905–1906 before the first revolutionary victory.
How is the class nature of a state determined according to Marxism?
According to Marxist theory, the class nature of a state is determined by answering the question: "What class interests do these special apparatus fundamentally serve on the scale of history?" This is not determined by the property forms developed or preserved in the immediate period under the state's rule. The state is defined as apparatus or bodies of specialized men who take over functions previously exercised by society as a whole, serving the interests of a ruling class.
What is the suggested approach to the problems faced by travellers (Irish Travellers)?
It is suggested that travellers are entitled to continue their way of life, which is their tradition, and settled people should offer help. This could involve providing proper sites for their caravans with facilities like running water, showers, and toilets. It is important to ask the travellers what they want, as they do not wish to be on streets or roadsides.
What was the political situation in the Philippines?
In October 1983, the situation in the Philippines was described as potentially explosive. Following the assassination of Benigno Aquino in August 1983, there were massive, violent demonstrations. The Marcos dictatorship faced a crisis, and the assassination revealed its weakness. The church, particularly Cardinal Sin, played a political role, although the hierarchy was cautious.
What is the situation regarding land and the economy in Zimbabwe?
In late 1983, Zimbabwe was facing significant economic problems. The government's position was to buy land on a "willing-seller, willing-buyer" basis. The land resettlement program aimed to resettle 162,000 peasant families by 1980, but by mid-1983, only about ten percent had been resettled. The government intended to spend 260 million Zimbabwe dollars to buy land, but progress was slow. The economy was heavily dependent on gold exports. Economic problems were worsened by a severe drought and the effects of world recession.
What was the outcome of the elections in Turkey in 1983?
The first elections in Turkey since the September 1980 coup took place on November 6, 1983. The Motherland Party (ANAP) led by Turgut Ozal won a landslide victory, taking 211 seats. The Populist Party (HP) was second with 117 seats, and the Nationalist Democracy Party (NDP) was third with 71 seats. The Great Turkey Party (BTP) and the Social Democracy Party (SODEP) were barred from participating. The elections confirmed the shift against the working class and the Kurdish national movement seen in the years preceding the coup.