On The German Ideology

A reflection prepared for the course on the Young Marx held by Casa Marx-Engels

Ruan Debian wrote this text for the course on Young Marx held at Casa Marx-Engels, located in Betim, the Brazilian mining city. The course is a foundational activity, by the Betim MES (Socialist Left Movement, part of the Fourth International), commemorating Karl Marx's 207th birthday.

Introduction

Written by the inseparable friends Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in late 1845 and early 1846, The German Ideology, like The Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts, came to light in 1932 at the Marx-Engels Institute in Moscow, directed by the great revolutionary David Riazanov. It's always worth remembering that both Riazanov and other great revolutionaries were persecuted and assassinated by Stalin; thus, generations of Marxists whose contribution, whether in the political-militant or intellectual fields, would have been incalculable for the construction of a truly just World, were decimated.

Well, some historical notes are necessary before we delve into the exceedingly rich lines that compose The German Ideology. Firstly, we should remember that giants of Marxism, such as Vladimir Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg, Antonio Gramsci, and many others, did not have the opportunity to study the work reflected upon here, as they all passed away before its publication by Riazanov or were imprisoned, as in the case of Gramsci.

The work aimed to refute criticisms and falsehoods directed at some mistaken formulations about communism and another book written years earlier by Marx and Engels, namely The Holy Family. The authors of the unfounded slanders, Bruno Bauer and Max Stirner, received criticisms from the fathers of scientific socialism that bordered on – if not outright overflowed into – ridicule. As is well known, The German Ideology presents theoretical counterpoints to other authors, such as Feuerbach's idealistic materialism – the latter being highly respected.

Another point of utmost importance is Friedrich Engels' political tact in not publishing this work immediately after Marx's death. In the words of Professor José Paulo Netto:

[…] German social democracy was severely constrained by Bismarck's anti-socialist legislation, imposed in 1878 and lasting until 1890 – in those circumstances, the harsh criticism of "true socialism" contained in The German Ideology would certainly have divided the Social-Democratic Party, within which there were segments guided by the "true socialist" ideology. (Netto, 2020, p.580).

In other words, social democracy contained numerous political currents of socialist, communist, non-revolutionary, etc., orientations. In the socialist field alone, there were many other traditions; now, Marxism, or rather, in the plural: Marxisms, only predominated after the Russian Revolution of 1917, which means that Marxism was not always hegemonic in social movements – and from our perspective, it has lost that position today. What truly interests us is to underline that Engels preferred to maintain the unity of Social Democracy rather than create a schism within it if he published The German Ideology, because, not imbued by egoistic interests, he understood the importance of maintaining unity within a revolutionary party for the benefit of the working class.

Finally, it is worth mentioning that both authors were undergoing a political-methodological shift from Philosophy to Political Economy at that moment. In this sense, as Friedrich Engels pointed out decades later, the theoretical bases in economics were still very incipient when The German Ideology was being conceived (Netto, 2020). However, this did not diminish the work's greatness, because it is in The German Ideology that the foundations for historical-dialectical materialism and the fundamental concept of Marxist literature, Ideology, are established – and this will be our focus from now on.

Concept of Ideology

In the text on The Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts, we pointed out that alienation occurs not only in the world externalised to the human being, but in the entire process of producing that world through alienated labour. This is the result of labour subjected to capital, through which it continuously produces: more alienated labour, the worker himself as a commodity, and commodities in general, the synthesis of which is the alienated world (Marx, 2009). In other words, alienation is the estrangement of the human being from the world he created. Given this, we can start from the premise that ideology fulfils the function of "naturalising" the alienated world.

Labour subjected to capital, i.e., alienated labour, is only possible thanks to the private ownership of the means of production, which, combined with the social division of labour, creates social classes – generally, that of the owners (bourgeoisie) and non-owners (proletariat). Both classes are contradictory; note, they are not opposite, but contradictory. Something opposite can peacefully exist without its antagonist; for example, two rival soccer teams, if one ceases to exist, it does not mean the other will disappear. However, a slave owner can only exist if there is a slave, because the elimination of either the owner or the slave implies the elimination of their contradictory. Well, the bourgeoisie can only exist because the proletariat exists, and vice versa, maintaining a contradictory relationship of negation; we call this process of contradictory relationship of negation dialectics.

It will be impossible to delve deeply into the theoretical explanation of the concept of dialectics, so often discussed and so poorly understood. What interests us is to perceive that from the contradictory relationship between the exploitation of the bourgeoisie over the proletariat, determined by private property and the social division of labour, emerge sets of ideas about their positions in the social world.

Note, for Marx and Engels, ideology is treated within the capitalist system in an entirely pejorative tone. As Professor Marilena Chauí points out, one can speak of left-wing, right-wing, etc., ideologies, but "[…] ideology is a historical, social, and political ideation that conceals reality, and that this concealment is a way of ensuring and maintaining economic exploitation, social inequality, and political domination." (Chauí, 2025, p.9).

The concealment of reality is only possible because "Consciousness is, therefore, from the very beginning, a social product, and will remain so as long as men exist." (Marx and Engels, 2009, p.44). Understanding that the ideas of the dominant class of a given epoch structurally predominate in that epoch, "ideology is one of the forms of social praxis: that which, starting from the immediate experience of social life data, abstractly constructs a system of ideas or representations about reality" (Chauí, 2025, p.99).

If consciousness is understood in the social field, ideology is one of the elements that will create the illusion that the exploitation of one social class over another has always existed and will always be so, regardless of what is done. In other words, ideology nullifies the historical analysis of exploitation, transferring it to the natural and even "supernatural" realm. It's important to note that illusion here cannot be taken in the sense of something non-existent introjected into people's minds by some mysterious form or as a meticulously determined evil plan by a group; "By illusion we must understand abstraction and inversion" (Chauí, 2025, p.97).

Well, let's try to exemplify illusion (abstraction and inversion) through the vulgar phrasing so widely used today, especially by liars calling themselves coaches: "I want, I can, I achieve." If a person takes as absolute truth that it's enough to strive to get everything they truly desire, especially in the financial field, they will be believing only in the idea (abstraction) that effort equals success – here is the inversion.

In other words, inversion is when the subject takes an idea as truth without verifying its real possibilities of actualization, keeping them only in the abstract realm.

Another good example we can consider is the slogan intensely used by the bourgeoisie during the French Revolution, which definitively enshrined it in power in all spheres of social life: liberty, equality, and fraternity. Decades after the storming of the Bastille in 1789, it became clear that such phrasing remained only in the realm of ideas; in social reality, what was consolidated was the prevalence of bourgeois privileges at the expense of the human dignity of the working people; nothing much different, in general terms, from the monarchical period (Hobsbawm, 2017).

Finally, ideology plays the role of naturalizing alienation, making a particular ideology of one class universal to all classes (here, the dominant one, i.e., the bourgeoisie). The world estranged by the worker himself who created it under the exploitative subjugation historically imposed by the private ownership of the means of production and the social division of labor becomes normalized, because it brings the pseudo-idea "that it has always been this way and always will be this way"; thus, "the specific role of ideology as an instrument of class struggle is to prevent domination and exploitation from being perceived in their concrete reality." (Chauí, 2025, p.96).

Conclusion

Much could be said about The German Ideology, brilliantly written by Marx and Engels. We could discuss the function of the State, which is a social and historical consequence that plays a unique role both in managing the affairs of the bourgeoisie and in harmonizing class struggle (Marx and Engels, 2010; Mascaro, 2013). However, in view of what has been mentioned above, we consider it sufficient for our humble introduction to one of the fundamental concepts in Marxist literature: ideology.

Obviously, we were not so foolishly naive as to exhaust the subject, so we recommend reading the entire German Ideology itself, as well as the books used as references.

In these final lines, it will never be too much to point out that revolutionary practice can never be dissociated from revolutionary studies, because we, communists, act against hegemonic power and will be fought in every possible way; well, we fight entirely against bourgeois ideology. Studying, being indignant, and organizing for the construction of the revolutionary party is undoubtedly arduous for us communists, but it is worth it! As comrade Trotsky pointed out in the founding speech of the Fourth International: "Yes, our party takes us completely. But, in return, it gives us the greatest happiness, the consciousness of participating in the construction of a better future, of carrying on our backs a particle of the destiny of humanity and of not living in vain. Fidelity to the cause of the workers demands from us the highest fidelity to our international party." (Trotsky, 2018, p.38).

Bibliographical References

• CHAUÍ, Marilena. Ideology: an introduction. São Paulo: Boitempo Editorial, 2025. HOBSBAWM, Eric J. The Age of Capital. 1848-1875. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 2017.

• LEON, Trotsky. Recorded speech for the Founding Conference of the Fourth International. In: DUTRA, Israel; AGUIAR, Thiago; Aguiar; MEIRA, Adria (Org.). Movimento Magazine: critique, theory and action. Porto Alegre: Movimento, 2018.

• MARX, Karl. Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts. Translated by Jesus Ranieri. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2010.

• MARX, Karl; ENGELS, Friedrich. The German Ideology. São Paulo: Expressão Popular, 2009.

• MARX, Karl and ENGELS, Friederich. The Communist Manifesto. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2010.

• MASCARO, Alysson Leandro Barbate. State and political form. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2013.

• NETTO, José Paulo. Karl Marx: a biography. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2020.

• RIAZANOV, David. Marx and Engels and the history of the workers' movement. São Paulo: Global, 1984.

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Ruan Debian is a pedagogue, Social Sciences student, vice-president of PSOL Betim, and state leader of MES-MG.