TL;DR: Twenty candidates stood under the Your Party name in the May 2026 English local elections, took around 6,260 votes between them and won nothing. The party did not contest the by-election the Greens took from Labour, could not stand for Holyrood, fielded nobody in Wales and was polling at zero by Clacton in August. Its entire declared income, £670,067.82, arrived inside a fortnight in November 2025 from two companies. Its statement of accounts was due on 7 July 2026 and the officer legally responsible for delivering it is Jeremy Corbyn. The forecast that electoral pressure would break the party on migrant and trans solidarity was wrong about the mechanism: there was no electoral pressure, because there was almost no election, and the attack on trans liberation came from an organised internal current. A branch meeting in Lambeth defeated it by 35 votes to 5.The forecast
In August 2025, four weeks after Your Party UK Ltd was incorporated and long before anybody in Britain had voted on anything, Tomi Amole of rs21 set out his organisation’s approach to the new party at the Anticapitalistas summer university in Spain. Part Seven of this series takes up what he argued and where it fails. What matters here is that he made one forecast which can be checked, and that checking it is the quickest route into the party’s actual record.
Electoral pressure, he said, would crack the party first on migrant solidarity and trans solidarity, out of the wish to appear electable. He did not want Corbynism two point oh.
The party barely fought under its own name
The pressure he described never arrived, because the party barely fought under its own name. Twenty candidates stood as Your Party in the May 2026 English local elections, taking around 6,260 votes between them and winning nothing: five in Birmingham for 3,543 votes, two in Greenwich for 1,064, two in West Lancashire for 450, one in Waltham Forest for 180. What the leadership announced instead was a programme of 250 endorsements, most of them for independents and community groups rather than for party candidates, and in the event around fifty individuals were backed. Some of them won. Two in Oldham, Pamela Fitzpatrick for Arise in Harrow, Shah Abdul Majeed Bakth in Camden on 999 votes, Ashfaq Ahmed in Walsall on 1,419. Candidates in Stockport, Cambridge, Coventry, Salford and Waltham Forest scored under five per cent.
Everywhere else the party was absent. It did not contest Gorton and Denton in February 2026, the by-election the Greens took with Hannah Spencer, a local plumber, on nearly forty-one per cent, with Reform second and Labour third. In Scotland the members had voted on 8 February to stand in selected regions; the Interim Scottish Executive Committee asked HQ and the CEC repeatedly to open a process and was ignored until it was too late, after which a consultation on the “election focus” was launched that Scotland’s own CEC representative, Niall Christie, confirmed he had not been consulted about. Your Party Scotland announced it could not stand for Holyrood because of inaction from the national party, and the interim Scottish committee resigned in April along with Christie. In Wales, Beth Winter stood as an independent socialist for Pontypridd, Cwm Taff and Merthyr precisely because the party had failed to field candidates. By the Clacton by-election on 13 August it was polling at zero and announcing it would not stand in seats like that.
The register tells the same story in a different vocabulary
The register tells the same story in a different vocabulary. Your Party, PP18172, went onto the Great Britain register on 30 September 2025, cleared to field candidates in England, Scotland and Wales, with one emblem and no registered descriptions at all. Its entire declared income is £670,067.82, and all of it arrived inside a fortnight: six payments of £100,000 from MOU Operations Ltd on 13, 19 and 26 November 2025, and £70,067.82 from Zarah Sultana Campaigns Ltd on the 27th. Sultana had become MOU Operations’ sole director on 28 October, sixteen days before the first of those payments. There is no campaign spending return on the register, which is what you would expect of a party that fought no regulated election. There is no statement of accounts either. A party whose financial year ends on 31 December and whose income or expenditure passes £250,000 had to deliver its accounts to the Commission by 7 July 2026, and Your Party’s declared donations alone are close to three times that threshold. The register holds 768 sets of accounts for financial years ending in 2025. They include the Alliance for Green Socialism on an income of £3,975 and Independent Green Voice on £25. Your Party’s are not among them, and on the day this was written they were fifty-six days late. The officer who must deliver them is the treasurer, and the treasurer is Jeremy Corbyn. In February the Commission fined the Irish Republican Socialist Party £350 for precisely this failure, over accounts three years older. The officers currently listed are Jeremy Corbyn as Leader and Treasurer, and Dawn Aspinall as Nominating Officer. The man who refused to recognise the 12 July no-confidence votes carries the treasurer’s personal statutory liability for the party’s finances, and the officer who certifies candidate nominations is one of the people that vote purported to remove.
Landlords and ex-Tories
What the party did with its name where it did use it is also on the record. Mehmood Mirza, a solicitor and the landlord of ten properties in Newham, stayed on the endorsed candidates list. On 14 February Corbyn spoke at the launch of the Walsall Community Independents with three former Conservative councillors in the front row. The compromise was not with anti-migrant sentiment. It was with landlords and ex-Tories.
On migration there was nothing to capitulate from. The Many’s silence was the position, sharp enough that even the Greens, whom its own people cite approvingly as a model, hold clearer lines on migration and foreign policy than anything the leadership has been willing to offer.
Nobody knows who decided any of it
One further thing about this record connects it to Part Five. When the three CEC members resigned in August they listed the areas in which they, and the members of the regions they had been elected to represent, had been kept in the dark. Electoral policy was on that list, alongside party finances, staff appointments, recruitment and pay, membership numbers and the rationale behind branch formation. So the decision to fight almost no seats under the party’s own name, the decision to spend the campaign endorsing around fifty other people instead, and the decision about which of those fifty were acceptable, were not taken by the elected executive of the party. A landlord of ten properties and a platform shared with three former Conservative councillors were not the outcome of a vote that anybody lost. They were the outcome of a process nobody outside the officers group can describe.
What it looks like when somebody reads the rules
Cian Prendiville of RISE spoke in the same session in Spain, about the Irish left rather than the British one, and the contrast belongs here rather than in the strategic argument.
His method is worth noting on its own. He analysed the Irish left through electoral law, on the grounds that revolutionaries cede that ground to reformists and are then told what is impossible by people who have read the rules and know that they have not. A lawyer tells you how to obey the law, he said. A revolutionary works out how to bend it. Under proportional representation by single transferable vote, roughly forty constituencies returning three to five members each, a candidate with ten per cent in a specific geography plus transfers can take a seat, which is why the Workers’ Party in the 1980s could build in particular working-class communities on grass cutting and boarded-up houses and funding for a community centre, and turn that into parliamentary representation. It is why Joe Higgins won Dublin West in 1997 off the back of the water charges movement, having been arrested and imprisoned during it, and proved that being elected did not require selling out. It is why the two per cent national threshold for state funding worked as glue for the United Left Alliance. None of that transfers to Britain under first past the post, which is the point. He was demonstrating a method, not exporting a model.
Set that beside a party which registered one emblem and no descriptions at all, contested twenty wards out of several thousand, endorsed around fifty other people through a process its own executive cannot describe, and told its Scottish members they could not stand for Holyrood because the national office had not opened a process in time. Prendiville’s point was that revolutionaries who will not read the rules end up being told what is impossible by people who have. Your Party never needed to be told. It never asked.
Trans liberation, and where the pressure actually came from
Trans liberation is where Amole was right about the target and wrong about the cause. The pressure came from an organised internal current, not from voters. The Your Party Materialist Left ran a candidate in the February CEC elections, Valerie Coultas, on stated objectives that include segregating trans people from single-sex spaces and breaking the political alliance between LGB people and trans people. The Trans Liberation Group had already published a founding statement grounding trans liberation in class struggle and warning that without member democracy, exclusionary figures in the leadership would use structural power to write their positions into party policy. In early March the Lambeth branch defeated a no-confidence motion in Coultas by 21 votes to 20, then voted 35 to 5 with 5 abstentions to affirm support for trans liberation in line with party policy. Coultas resigned. The branch chair resigned with her.
Read that sequence again. The membership held the line, in a branch meeting, by seven to one, under no electoral pressure whatsoever. The safeguard that made it possible was the one the Trans Liberation Group had named in advance, and it was the same safeguard the CEC spent the spring dismantling.
Two things follow from that sequence and they point in opposite directions. The membership was capable of holding a line without being told to. The machinery through which it did so was the machinery the executive spent the spring taking apart. Part Seven is about what conclusion to draw from that.
Sources. Electoral Commission facts are from the register itself, queried on 1 September 2026: registration PP18172, approved 30 September 2025, Great Britain register, England, Scotland and Wales, officers and emblem as listed; seven donation records totalling £670,067.82, all in reporting period Q4 2025; no campaign spending return. The accounts search was run with the register’s own filters and returns 768 filings for financial years ending 2025, none of them Your Party’s; the 7 July 2026 deadline is the Commission’s own published key date for parties with a 31 December year end and income or expenditure over £250,000. The Commission publishes closed investigations only, last updated 17 February 2026, so whether it has opened a case here is not public. Local election figures are from the published results and from Socialist Worker’s count of 9 May 2026. Company facts are from the public register: Your Party UK Ltd, 16619803, incorporated 31 July 2025, dissolved 21 April 2026, no accounts and no confirmation statement filed.